Socially Integrative City's programme philosophy and the related new policy approach are based on task reallocation between the state and society. The emphasis has clearly shifted towards a stronger representation of community interests. "The state no longer calls the shots but inspires, mobilizes and motivates, fosters communication and cooperation and strives for consensus, otherwise relying on society.s inherent potential". (1) This corresponds to the view that residents in particular, but also greater numbers of different players should be involved in urban district development than was the case with traditional urban renewal, even in its socially oriented manifestation, "gentle urban renewal".
The players involved in implementing the Socially Integrative City programme face massive challenges, given the need for integrative and cooperative action and the serious and complex problems in the disadvantaged neighbourhoods. In many cases implementers are confronted with requirements which they had not or hardly been geared to meet in their previous activities, for Socially Integrative City implementation involves organizing and shaping an open process with all participants, finding a common language and level of communication, building trust and encouraging cooperation. Participation in this new policy approach requires everyone to abandon traditional patterns of behaviour and organization, assume new responsibilities, get involved in open procedures and learning processes and forge new alliances and partnerships, and not to be discouraged by misunderstandings, conflicts, power struggles, loss of autonomy, disappointments and extra work.
Professionals especially, whether in administration, politics, non-governmental organizations, housing companies or planning offices, are called to be where the action is, which was not previously expected of them. They must reach out to residents and local players, deal with unfamiliar forms of expression and behaviour and be willing to adapt their own norms and regulations without compromising vital professional skills. Readiness to work with other disciplines and departments cannot and must not eclipse "professionalism in your own field". (2)
Despite growing societal moves towards individualization and pluralization, we cannot discern the "lack of community spirit" and resigned "withdrawal into the private sphere" bemoaned by some as a general phenomenon. (3) On the contrary, at municipal and district levels, residents and other local players are proving eager to get involved, showing initiative and devising ways of helping themselves. However, the motives behind the activities and demands on organizational structure and "association formats" have changed dramatically. "New, informal organizational styles of citizen involvement$quot; have developed, allowing more flexibility and freedom. (4) Two principles must underlie this "institutionalization of social interests". First, it is vital "that participation and commitment be voluntary and entail relatively few formal restrictions". This should create "scope for independent and responsible action". Second, activities "should focus on the fields of interest or the peculiar needs" of potential participants. "Involvement" should promise "tangible results". (5)
This not only creates more pressure to act and adapt in accordance with the new tasks and organizational structures, but also increases the need to coordinate the numerous players with their diverse interests and fields of activity. In many programme districts, players basically do their own thing. It is therefore crucial to weave the initiatives, services, associations and committed players which already exist in many districts into local networks during the first phase of programme implementation and organize ways for them to forge contacts, share experiences and pool efforts.
Participant commitment should be reinforced, encouraged and recognized to ensure that it does not flag. The Hamburg Lawaetz Foundation, an intermediary, therefore appealed for local recognition of active residents at the Socially Integrative City Starter Conference in March 2000. "Crown local achievers with the laurel wreath of success". (6) The events surrounding the Socially Integrative City award have demonstrated the motivating, integrative and publicizing effect of recognition as a deliberate "symbolic stamp" of social esteem. (7)
This competition (8) has revealed not only the impressively broad range of projects and measures, but also the variety of committed players who invest considerable effort in the programme, largely on a voluntary basis. The 2000 competition announced shortly after the launch of Socially Integrative City attracted 101 submissions of projects and measures. Response to the second invitation in 2002 was more than twice as high, comprising 214 entries. Most applications came from city and town councils (one quarter of all submissions in each year), followed by housing companies (24 percent in 2000 / 17 percent in 2002), modernizers, urban renewal agencies and enterprises and neighbourhood managers (5 percent / 22 percent), associations, including resident groups (14 percent / 10 percent) and welfare organizations (6 percent both years).
Most key Socially Integrative City implementers do not face specific challenges simply by dint of the tense and draining situation in the districts with special development needs. Nearly all players must master additional tasks arising from macrosocial change and the related problem of shifting contexts. To achieve this they must develop a new role perception and self-image.
Neighbourhood residents
The central goal of residents' activation and participation programme is to spotlight population groups which previously took a back seat in social development processes and hence in public perception. Challenging these groups to express their views and get involved now gives them the opportunity to channel their expertise into improving their neighbourhood. Fulfilling this role presupposes that the people in the street are recognized and taken seriously when granted freedom to act independently and spontaneously and given a say in decision-making, e.g. in the distribution of contingency funds and district budgets.
However, many inhabitants are already hard pressed to cope with day-to-day life and are barely able to muster the additional enthusiasm and time necessary to participate in erecting "self-organized support structures". (9) Some residents regard this as an extra, "prescribed" burden, sometimes more than they can handle. They therefore (justifiably) resist constant calls for activation and participation. For example, a critique from the Hamburg-Altona-Lurup pilot district (10) stated, "Citizens are still perceived as people who should be mobilized - in times of crisis without changing the underlying conditions. Citizens are active. They strive to live decently in these districts under very trying circumstances. You have to be quite active to do that".
The programme launch swiftly flooded the neighbourhoods with calls to participate in numerous events and surveys, cite problems and objectives, propose projects and actively work to implement them, and absorb a wealth of information, chiefly in German. This demands communicativeness and a willingness to get involved, self-confidence and above all interest in a new, shared vision for neighbourhood enhancement. It is unrealistic to presume this already exists. The population therefore needs assistance and support.
We therefore need direct approaches to create formal and informal services which foster interaction and increase provision of low-threshold communication opportunities. They are crucial for motivation, empowerment and integration. (11) As mobilization is closely related to perception, all instant improvements in the neighbourhood acquire great significance, especially when they result from joint planning processes. "Lack of impact is the kiss of death for citizen involvement". (12)
Municipal Politics
Socially Integrative City implementation is confronting municipal politicians with new decision-making structures alongside the traditional control functions mandated to elected officials. Local civil servants and the population in general interpret this trend as an increase in power. Legislators, however, see it as a loss of influence. (13) The division of tasks and responsibilities between government (formulating goals and monitoring their realization) and administration (operationalization of goals and implementation) expressed in the New Public Management seems to underscore the imbalance which politicians fear. (14) Moreover, a widening gulf is appearing between administrative professionalization and the comparatively inadequate qualifications of many unpaid politicians.
Municipal politicians, particularly in cities, thus face the challenge of developing a new role perception, which can handle both traditional strategic control and additional details, and direct cooperation with implementers much more effectively than before. (15) Reasons for the generally hesitant acceptance of the new role to date lie in the fact that "elected municipal officials have reservations about the right of citizen groups to have a say in decision-making", (16) that willingness or ability to engage in dialogue is not yet adequate, and frequently, that purely technical obstacles bar the way for more intensive cooperation between municipal politicians. As unpaid officials they are rarely able to find enough time to do grassroots work.
Yet a key prerequisite for successful programme implementation is politicizing basic planning, so that, for example, the council selects the districts with special development needs, drafts and elaborates integrated action plans and establishes new management and organizational forms to give them political backing and legitimization. This requires municipal leaders to develop a local presence by taking part in district conferences and fora, round tables and similar discussion groups in which politicians comprise "one of many negotiating partners". (17) This gives them insight into the reality of local daily life, immerses them in neighbourhood experiences and learning processes and helps them become "advocates and mouthpieces for the district". (18)
Municipal authorities
Municipal authorities play two key roles in Socially Integrative City implementation. They have the "traditional" task of meeting formal requirements and establishing the necessary conditions for programme participation (e.g. district selection, coordination of integrated action plan formulation, resource management and budgeting, cost auditing). However, a new form of management, based on cooperation and consensus between legislative and executive branches, the market, the third sector and society, is also called for.
This dual role, with which many authorities have to juggle, generates pressure to act. They are torn between having to oversee formal programme implementation in their function as "traditional" government authorities, and at the same time wanting to test the experimental and progressive district-based cooperation approaches which Socially Integrative City requires with other non-governmental players. Despite being discouraged by rigidity and departmental self-centredness in some areas, administrators themselves call for a "shift in mentality" from scepticism to curiosity and commitment.
This is seen to require institutionalization (19) of "pertinent further training" for civil servants to fill the gaps in a local government reform process targeting civic involvement. "Prevailing public administration approaches to law enforcement and management do not involve positive interaction with active citizens and initiatives, chairing, monitoring and mediating their negotiations or evaluating results".
Growing experience with district-based integrated urban development, stemming from North Rhine-Westphalia's established tradition in this field with the Land Districts with Special Development Needs programme launched in 1993, is also prompting discussion on extending the public administration reform to encompass spatial and district-based approaches. (20) District-based administration requires new organizational solutions transcending agencies and departments, such as district teams.
Despite similarities between the Socially Integrative City approach and the New Public Management guidelines, several analysts assert that certain aspects of the latter "clearly contradict spatial orientation of administrative action". They fear further segregation of specialist fields, which would hamper systematic cooperation between the various administrative departments. (21) Contradictions have also been identified between the service-oriented client model in the administrative reform and the emphasis of Socially Integrative City on the activated/active "citizen as a co-producer", and between the administrative reform's product focus and the Socially Integrative City Urban District Development programme's process focus. (22) Commentators call for both "sociospatial profiling of New Public Management" and increased consideration of strategic monitoring elements.
Non-governmental organizations
Social work in Germany has long been based on the .dual system. of public and private providers, whose interrelationship is primarily determined by the subsidiarity principle. (23) The rich and influential traditional welfare organizations, which include the Arbeiterwohlfahrt, Deutscher Caritasverband, Diakonisches Werk, Deutscher Parittischer Wohlfahrtsverband, the German Red Cross and the Zentrale Wohlfahrtsstelle der Juden, are loosely combined in the Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege. Some other groups do not belong to the welfare associations. Welfare associations are "fixtures of the public welfare establishment". (24)
Private organizations focus on particular groups (children, young people, senior citizens). They perform services in society and for families, sponsor projects and encourage volunteers to assume social responsibilities. They broaden the range of social services in the districts, often cooperating with the municipality in education, family welfare, addiction counselling, emergency services and youth aid centres.
Private welfare organizations are important Socially Integrative City partners, as the objectives and requirements coincide with those of the programme. "Together with citizens (voluntary workers from churches, self-help groups and associations, etc.), they form a major lobby for these districts and lend a voice to disadvantaged population segments". (25) However, Thies claims that the "social workers" have "not maintained a high enough profile" in implementing integrated urban district development, and that this is reflected in the "insufficient involvement of private social and youth welfare sponsors". (26) Currently the social players. "greatest deficit" is apparently their unsatisfactory involvement in self-help and citizens' activities, "which could give them identity and local relevance". (27) Clearer private sponsor adherence to non-government principles and closer consideration of individual surroundings and community life seem to be indicated. This involves expanding the personal emphasis to embrace spatial concerns and hence a shift "from case to field".
Housing industry
Big estates comprise around half of Socially Integrative City areas. This indicates that (generally) the larger housing companies - associations and cooperatives - are key players in programme implementation. Housing companies also loom large in prewar neighbourhoods and areas with buildings from various eras, but individual owners are more strongly represented here. Like Zwischenerwerber (interim owners who purchase to rent or resell) on large estates, they are reluctant to become involved in programme implementation and therefore rarely feature in this context.
The housing industry was already heavily involved in traditional urban development promotion. During the mid-1980s very different problems surfaced on the large West German housing estates. They included "new poverty", a result of heightened unemployment, rent increases arising from staggered rents in council housing construction and considerable disrepair. Occupancy problems, eviction notices, social conflict, accelerated tenant turnover, massive repairs and vacancy all contributed to turning large new peripheral neighbourhoods into areas requiring urban renewal. This prompted many affected housing companies to reconsider. Since then, client orientation has become an important tenet of corporate philosophy. Companies began to mix business calculations with social considerations. Social commitment has now become a "permanent responsibility for the housing industry". (28)
In Socially Integrative City districts the housing industry is confronted with a majority of low-income housholds, rent arrears and high tenant turnover, as well as destitution (e.g. debt) and in some cases vandalism. This stems from a placement policy over which they have little influence. The housing companies therefore provide in-depth tenant and building care. One fundamental task is early recognition of threats to home security. (29) This prevents the vicious circle of unemployment/penury/homelessness.
The housing industry has expressed "a keen interest in the success of Socially Integrative City processes, specifically a business interest", which it believes "must not be derided" in the course of programme implementation. (30) Only "economically sound enterprises can be socially oriented enterprises". (31) At the award ceremony for the Socially Integrative City 2002 prize, housing industry representatives stressed (32) that investment in the programme was worthwhile, since providing and investing in housing alone was insufficient. They called for a new understanding of construction culture, and stated that visionary planning, building perfection and optimal administration had to go hand in hand with social management. This would sharpen the focus on .soft factors. such as improving the appeal of concentrating on neighbourliness, integration and wellbeing. (33)
However, housing company participation in programme implementation processes still leaves much to be desired. Many enterprises have been pioneers in improving large estates for some time. They have committed themselves to implementing innovative projects such as service intensification, new forms of sheltered accommodation, neighbourhood support organization, bolstering of tenant involvement and establishment of management offices and have realized that socially oriented efforts are compatible with their own business objectives of rentability. Others, however, have had reservations about the programme. They are hidebound by intrasectoral competition, despite the fact that in the large new residential neighbourhoods particularly, the goal is to work together to develop and implement mutual marketing, modernization and stabilization strategies.
Traders
Tradespeople in disadvantaged urban areas have the difficult task of securing their livelihood in the face of falling purchasing power and demand and a dubious local image so that they can help supply the neighbourhood and offer jobs. The number of vacant shops and other premises resulting from population depletion, reduced purchasing power and narrower business opportunities further curbs the attractiveness of the neighbourhoods. Traders in Socially Integrative City programme areas are chiefly very small retailers, repairers and manufacturers and predominantly home service providers (areas with a high migrant population have many non-native businesses) - generally a group "which chambers, banks and municipal politicians hold in low esteem -which therefore have no lobby". (34)
A Hamburg survey (35) shows that this "locally oriented microeconomy of 'district and neighbourhood firms'" has a very varied pattern of operations, employment, access and working conditions, and rooting in the district infrastructure. Private, social and cultural influences shape companies in different ways. These district and neighbourhood enterprises are seen to play an important role in the citywide labour market. However, they "cannot simply be used as occupational therapy for marginalized problem groups", as they mainly hire "well-qualified, highly motivated and flexible workers".
Traders who have tended to react defensively to adverse changes, spurn investment and resign themselves to further drops in demand and shrinking turnover, are in dire need of advice and support services tailored to their specific situation and their social and cultural environment. This applies equally to German and foreign enterprises. Foreign companies and new businesses often fail due to insufficient information and support from German authorities, chambers of commerce and industry and chambers of crafts. Incomprehension of the unusual working day, informal arrangements and decision-making structures is an obvious obstacle. From a business promotion perspective, for example, the underutilization of advice and seminar services appears to be "a mainly culturally derived resistance to counselling". The willingness "to accept the business ethics prevalent in Germany and the extensive transparency and openness in business documents and structures demanded by banks" is claimed to be lacking. (36) Foreign entrepreneurs in particular lack the trust they need to confide their problems and fears to the relevant authorities. (37)
Schools
Schools are increasingly proving to be key institutions in Socially Integrative City areas. They are called upon to assume a wide range of additional responsibilities. They must compensate for the failure of many parents to do the job of educating their children due to the hardships they face. Schools are also centres for integrating German and foreign children. (38) Besides imparting knowledge, today's schools must teach and train social, communication and everyday practical skills. As many Socially Integrative City districts have above-average numbers of foreign pupils, intercultural education is particularly important. (39)
However, barriers to developing the required new role perception persist. One of these is the general lethargy in education ("Schools change slower than churches"). (40) Some headteachers and staff insist that they are there to impart knowledge and in no way to solve the personal problems of pupils and their parents. (41) Taking instruction out of school both physically and mentally and exploiting unusual learning locations is not yet a normal part of teachers' repertoire. Long-standing resentment between schools and youth welfare organizations also hamper the cooperation of these two partners considerably. (42)
Undeniably, developing new curricula and experimenting with new communication and cooperation forms burdens teachers with more work, for which they receive little compensation. Schools need financial and organizational support and human resources for their additional activities and innovations. Voluntary efforts by teachers, pupils, parents and administrative staff often trigger change but cannot sustain it for long. Schools' lack of autonomy with regard to decisions on staffing, curricula, budgeting, etc. also impedes progress down new avenues. This has provoked calls for "municipal schools" with performance standards prescribed by the cultural authorities. (43) Advocates say that municipalities should seize the opportunity and reinforce the position of schools so that they can effectively diagnose potential crises at an early stage. This is one significant reason why many parties favour the concept of all-day schools, for they see them as a way of increasing cooperation between schools and youth welfare. "If excellent full-time schools were developed into social and cultural neighbourhood centres and given the necessary equipment and staff training to organize an intercultural education and socialization system, the disintegration processes ... would be deprived of much of their momentum." (44)
Associations
As legally recognized purpose-oriented social groups, associations remain the "classic" and "dominant form of civic involvement". (45) Neighbourhoods have a wide range of associations enhancing social and cultural life. They provide leisure, recreation, culture and education and include civic and neighbourhood groups. Ethnic associations are "key ports of call" for migrant households. They serve as .places of orientation for sharing practical knowledge about the host society, fostering communication and providing support. (46)
Sports clubs in particular are often a place where German and foreign children and young people can mingle without linguistic skills becoming an issue, but where other (athletic) skills are required and valued. Such clubs are also becoming increasingly important as violence prevention organs. "It is high time we ... began to consider the crisis of masculinity" and promote "a quite different side of sports clubs". (47) They can contribute significantly to youth work by providing outlets for frustration, boredom and aggression. Football contributes to the "social education of our boys more than almost anything else", says the youth manager of Schalke 04, alluding to the situation in the pilot district of Gelsenkirchen Schalke/Bismarck-Nord. (48)
In recent years the potential of the association as a legal body for organizing networks and self-help groups has been (re)discovered, especially in the context of Socially Integrative City. Associations are founded specifically to assume key functions during programme implementation. The association form serves as a pillar for Socially Integrative City projects and measures, whether as a legal framework and organizer of local neighbourhood management and district forums, as an umbrella organization (Association Forum in Gelsenkirchen Bismarck/Schalke-Nord), as a district budget administrator in consultation with local government (Ahlen), as a sponsor of neighbourhood circles and exchanges or as an "association of associations", which sponsors local district management (Lohberg Forum in Dinslaken). (49)
The housing industry also encourages the founding of associations. The Glückauf housing construction company in L&%uuml;nen, for example, established Glückauf Nachbarschaftshilfe e.V., which advanced the idea of "helping people to help themselves". (50) Any interested citizen may join the association. It sponsors communication centres as meeting places. This association is "the most influential institution founded by the Glückauf Wohnungsbaugesellschaft to implement its social policy".
(1) Spiegel, Integrativ, kooperativ, aktivierend (german), p. 29;
see also Spiegel, Zur Institutionalisierung gesellschaftlicher Interessen auf der kommunalen Ebene, Archiv für Kommunalwissenschaften,
1st bianual volume (1999) (german), pp. 3-23;
see also Franke/Löhr/Sander, pp. 250 ff.
(2) Karl Jasper during the podium and plenary discussion "Integrierte Handlungskonzepte - Erfahrungen aus der Praxis",
published in German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Impulskongress Integratives Handeln (german), p. 42.
(3) See Spiegel, Zur Institutionalisierung, pp. 9 ff.; Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des Bürgerschaftlichen Engagements" German Bundestag, Bericht Bürgerschaftliches Engagement:
auf dem Weg in eine zukunftsfähige Bürgergesellschaft, Opladen 2002, pp. 111 ff.;
Jochen Dieckmann, Veränderungen im Kräftedreieck zwischen Bürgern, Rat und Verwaltung, Heinrich Mäding (ed.), Zwischen Überforderung und Selbstbehauptung - Städte
unter dem Primat der Ökonomie, Berlin 1999, p. 214 (Difu-Beiträge zur Stadtforschung,
Vol. 27 (german)).
(4) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des Bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", p. 109 f.
(5) Spiegel, Integrativ, kooperativ, aktivierend (german), p. 31:
"Political science analyses confirm the high significance of topic and situation relevance for all social commitment.
They have demonstrated a close correlation between willingness to participate in direct democracy -
in public referenda and initiatives, for instance -
and content and case relevance and the specificity of propositions."
(6) Karin Schmalriede, Soziale Stadt - meine Sicht, Soziale Stadt info, 1 (german) (2000), p. 7.
(7) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des Bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", pp. 268 ff.
(8) Auslober: AWO Arbeiterwohlfahrt Bundesverband e.V., Deutscher Städtetag, GdW Bundesverband
deutscher Wohnungsunternehmen, Schader Foundation, THS TreuHandStelle GmbH Essen, vhw
Bundesverband für Wohneigentum, Wohnungsbau und Stadtentwicklung e.V. Ausschreibung und die
Competition and documentation were funded by BMVBW. Cf. documentation on award ceremonies published by GdW.
(9) Heiko Geiling, Thomas Schwartzer, Claudia Heinzelmann and Esther Bartnick, Begleitende Dokumentation
der PvO im Modellstadtteil Hannover-Vahrenheide - Endbericht, Hannover 2002, p. 83.
(10) Sabine Tengeler during the podium discussion, "Stärken und Potenziale der Stadtteile: Aktive
Bewohnerschaft" (german), published in German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt - Zusammenhalt, Sicherheit, Zukunft", Documentation, Berlin 2002, p. 156 (Arbeitspapiere zum Programm Soziale Stadt, Vol. 8).
(11) See also Chapter 8 (german), Mobilization and Participation.
(12) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des Bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", p. 101.
(13) Other reasons exist for this loss of power.
Restricted scope for action due to the massive municipal funding problems, reduced influence through outsourcing and privatization,
local government modernization and simultaneous stricter budgeting
cf. Paul von Kodolitsch, Miteinander oder gegeneinander? Zum schwierigen Verhältnis
zwischen Rat und Verwaltung, Archiv für Kommunalwissenschaften (german),
2nd biannual volume (2000), pp. 215 ff.
(14) see Birgit Frischmuth and Paul von Kodolitsch, Bürger - Rat - Verwaltung: Neue Rollenverteilung
in der Kommunalpolitik, Heinrich Mäding (ed.),
Zwischen Überforderung und Selbstbehauptung - Städte unter dem Primat der Ökonomie, Berlin 1999, pp. 181-207 (Difu-Beiträge
zur Stadtforschung, Vol. 27 (german)).
(15) Referring to the shifting relationship between state decision-making powers and functional social systems to enhance
the traditional hierarchical models, political scientists speak of "the need for a 'second model of governance'",
which could also be described as cooperative or consensual.
Cf. Spiegel, Zur Institutionalisierung, p. 5.
(16) Ibid, p. 13.
(17) Ibid, p. 3.
(18) Stefan Rommelfanger during the podium discussion "Stärken und Potenziale der Stadtteile:
Aktive Bewohnerschaft" (german), published in German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.),
Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt "..., p. 150.
(19) For more details on this and the following, see Roland Roth, Schritte zur Bürgerkommune sind möglich, Demokratische
Gemeinde (german), Vol. 7 (2002), p. 11.
(20) Städtenetzwerk für Stadtteile mit besonderem Erneuerungsbedarf (ed.), Positionspapier 2001.
Raumorientierung der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung (german), Essen 2001.
(21) Ibid, p. 15.
(22) Wolfgang Hinte, Verwaltungsreform und integrierte Stadtentwicklung - zwei gegenläufige Strategien?,
vhw Forum Wohneigentum, Vol. 7 (2000), p. 253 f.
(23) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", p. 192.
(24) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", p. 241.
(25) Reinhard Thies, Beteiligung der Freien Träger (german), German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.),
Impulskongress Integratives Handeln, p. 99. Documentation, Berlin 2002, p. 99 (Arbeitspapiere zum Programm Soziale Stadt, Vol. 7).
(26) Thies, p. 104.
(27) For more details on this and the following, Wolfgang Klug, Wohlfahrtsverbände zwischen Beharrung, Aufbruch
und Neuorientierung, in: Archiv für Kommunalwissenschaften, 1st biannual volume (1999), pp. 86 ff.
(28) Lutz Freitag, GdW President, at the award ceremony for Socially Integrative City 2002 in January 2003,
cited in Bürgerschaftliches und unternehmerisches Engagement für soziale Stabilität in den Städten,
Wohnungswirtschaftliche Informationen, No. 3 (2003), p. 5.
(29) Rent arrears provide grounds for terminating tenancy agreements and starting eviction proceedings
and can therefore be regarded as a sign of imminent homelessness.
(30) Hans Fürst, Nassauische Heimstätten Gesellschaft für innovative Projekte im Wohnungsbau mbH,
Frankfurt am Main, im Rahmen des Podiumsgesprächs "Integrierte Handlungskonzepte - Erfahrungen
aus der Praxis", German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Impulskongress
Integratives Handeln, pp. 53 f. (german)
(31) Karl-Heinz Cox, TreuHandStelle GmbH Essen, im Rahmen der Abschlussdiskussion (german),
German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Fachgespräch "Wirtschaften im Quartier", p. 144.
(32) On the following see Karl-Heinz Cox at the award ceremony for the Socially Integrative City prize, cited in
Bürgerschaftliches und unternehmerisches Engagement für soziale Stabilität in den Städten,
Wohnungswirtschaftliche Informationen, No. 3 (2003), p. 5.
(33) Hans Fürst, cited in German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Impulskongress Integratives
Handeln, p. 54 (german).
(34) Christine Becker, Impulsreferat Beteiligung der Wirtschaft (german),
German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Impulskongress Integratives Handeln, p. 91.
(35) On this and the following, see Dieter Läpple, Städte im Spannungsfeld zwischen globaler und lokaler
Entwicklungsdynamik, in: Institut für Landes- und Stadtentwicklungsforschung des Landes Nordrhein-
Westfalen (ed.), Lokale sozio-ökonomische Strategien in Stadtteilen mit besonderem Erneuerungsbedarf,
Dortmund 2000, p. 27 ff. (ILS-Schriftenreihe, Bd. 168).
In Hamburg, district and neighbourhood firms are proving to be "one of the mainstays of the metropolitan economy".
They are also among the few which have expanded during the period of investigation (p. 27).
(36) Christine Becker, p. 91.
(37) Sahinder Öztürk during the podium discussion "Stärken und Potenziale der Stadtteile: Lokale
Ökonomie (german)", German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt ...", p. 129.
(38) Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Ausländerfragen (ed.), Bericht der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung
für Ausländerfragen über die Lage der Ausländer in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,
Bonn 1997, p. 152.
(39) In 1996 the Standing Conference of Länder Ministers of Education
and Cultural Affairs approved recommendations proposing that intercultural education be consistently
and universally introduced to all subjects in the education system as a basic curricular element,
cf. Sekretariat der Ständigen Konferenz der Kultusminister
der Länder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Empfehlungen "Interkulturelle Bildung
und Erziehung in der Schule", Standing Conference of Länder Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs Decision of 25 October 1996.
(40) Wolfgang Steiner, Die Zeit ist reif, Stadterneuerungs- und Stadtentwicklungsgesellschaft Hamburg
mbH, Schulen und Stadtteile gemeinsam entwickeln, Quartiersnachrichten spezial,
2nd edition, Hamburg 2000, p. 21.
(41) Ingo Richter, Die achte Todsünde der Bildungspolitik. Die Vernachlässigung sozialer Brennpunkte,
Kirsten Bruhns und Wolfgang Mack (ed.),
Aufwachsen und Lernen in der Sozialen Stadt.
Kinder und Jugendliche in schwierigen Lebensräumen, Opladen 2001, p. 62.
(42) Many youth welfare representatives regard schools as mere selection and disciplinary organs with
rigid curricula, examinations and qualifications which do not react appropriately to social change.
Conversely, the teaching profession tends to perceive the open, individualistic,
voluntary extramural youth welfare activities as an inadequate stopgap with no educational substance ("babysitting").
See also Thomas Coelen, Kooperation von Schulen und Jugendhilfe,
Stadterneuerungs- und Stadtentwicklungsgesellschaft Hamburg mbH, Schulen und Stadtteile
gemeinsam entwickeln, Quartiersnachrichten spezial,
2nd edition, Hamburg 2000, p. 28; Richter, p. 62.
(43) Christian Pfeiffer, Lower Saxony.s justice minister, during the podium discussion
"Zusammenhalt, Sicherheit, Zukunft - Chancen für einen gesellschaftlichen Wandel" (german),
German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt ...", p. 59.
(44) Häußermann, Global, lokal, sozial, p. 78 f.
(45) Enquiry Commission "Zukunft des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements", p. 69.
In the new Länder the degree of organization is slightly less.
In the GDR, associations with autonomous interests were not tolerated.
Foundation of clubs therefore started booming in 1990 (ibid, p. 238).
(46) Deutscher Bundestag (ed.), Sechster Familienbericht (german).
Familien ausländischer Herkunft in Deutschland. Leistungen - Belastungen - Herausforderungen und Stellungnahme der Bundesregierung,
Drucksache 14/4357 (2000), p. 167.
(47) Christian Pfeiffer, German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.),
Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt ...",
p. 64 f. (german): "
Violence is masculine ... This crisis of masculinity arises in the suburbs.
There we need to give young men different idols, different perspectives, different leisure opportunities ..."
(48) Bodo Menze during the podium discussion "Die soziale Stadt - Vielfalt und Zukunft",
German Institute of Urban Affairs (Hrsg.), Kongress "Die Soziale Stadt ...", p. 75.
(49) Article 1 of the statutes reads: "In partnership with the town, the association should develop
and implement the plan of action approved by Dinslaken town council in conjunction with the people of Lohberg,
with due consideration of social, cultural and economic aspects. ".
(50) On this and the following, see Klaus Pfitzenreuter, Die Einbindung in lokalen Netzwerken (german)
- Neue Handlungsansätze zur Bearbeitung wohnungswirtschaftlicher Fragestellungen - Das Beispiel Lünen-Brambauer,
German Institute of Urban Affairs (ed.), Fachgespräch "Wirtschaften im Quartier", p. 81.
Translated from: Soziale Stadt - Strategien für die Soziale Stadt, Erfahrungen und Perspektiven – Umsetzung des Bund-Länder-Programms „Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf – die soziale Stadt", Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik 2003
